17 May 2025 The Hindu Editorial


What to Read in The Hindu Editorial( Topic and Syllabus wise)

Editorial 1: The new normal after Pahalgam, India’s response

Context

India needs to strengthen its broad ‘new normal’ strategy so that it becomes a strong and believable warning against future terrorist attacks.

Introduction

Operation Sindoor is currently on ‘pause’, and although the ceasefire started off a bit unstable on Saturday evening (May 10), it appears to be holding steady. On May 12, the two Director Generals of Military Operations (DGMO) — from India and Pakistan — had a follow-up talk and discussed more steps to reduce tension, including cutting down troop numbers in the frontline areas where there had been a recent buildup.

  • On Monday evening (May 12)Prime Minister Narendra Modiaddressed the nation.
  • He declared that “Operation Sindoor has redefined the fight against terror… setting a new benchmark and a new normalin counter-terrorism measures.”
  • Kinetic retaliation— using direct military force — is not new.
  • The Modi governmenthad earlier conducted:
    • Surgical strikesacross the Line of Control (LoC) in 2016, after the Uri attack.
    • An air strikeon a Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) camp in Balakot in 2019, following the Pulwama suicide attack.
  • However, the response to Pahalgamwas qualitatively different, marking a shift in strategy.

India’s Response to the Pahalgam Attack (April–May 2025)

Background & Initial Response

  • After the Pahalgam terror attackon April 22, 2025, it was clear India would retaliate.
  • The only questions were timingand method.
  • Initial non-military actionsincluded:
    • Reducing diplomatic presence
    • Suspending trade
    • Closing the Wagah-Attari border
    • Cancelling visas
    • Putting the Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance
  • However, these were not substitutesfor kinetic retaliation.

Planning for Kinetic Action (April 23 – May 7)

  • The two-week periodwas used to:
    • Select military targets
    • Coordinate high-level diplomacy
  • Nine targetswere finalized from ~24 options.
  • Anticipation of a major terror attackpost-2019 led to regular planning updates.
  • Diplomatic groundworkwas laid with key global capitals to ensure conditional support for India’s actions.

Execution of Operation Sindoor (May 7, 2025)

  • Early morning strikeon May 7 targeted nine terror-linked sites.
  • Pakistan’s DGMOwas informed post-strike.
  • Targets were tied to LeT, JeM, and Hizb-ul-Mujahideen.
  • India stressed the strike was only against terrorists, not Pakistan’s military or civilians.
  • India warned of retaliationif Pakistan escalated.

Key Actions and Developments

Date Key Event
Apr 22 Pahalgam attack occurs
Apr 23 – May 7 Target selection and diplomatic buildup
May 7 (AM) Operation Sindoor launched – 9 targets hit
May 7 (PM) Pakistan informed, denies losses, claims to shoot down 5–6 Indian jets
May 8–9 Pakistan escalates with drone, missile intrusions at 36 locations
May 9 India warns against open Pakistani airspace endangering civil aircraft
May 9 IMF Board meets to approve Pakistan’s loan – need for restraint
May 9–10 night Pakistan strikes 26 Indian sites – claims to “restore deterrence”
May 10 (AM) India responds ferociously, hits 9 military airfields + 3 defence units
May 10 (PM) Ceasefire declared at 5 p.m. after DGMO talks and global mediation

Weapons Used by India on May 10

  • ScalpBrahMosmissiles
  • Crystal MazeHammerSpice 2000precision-guided munitions
  • Heavy backchannel diplomacyled by WashingtonDelhi, and Islamabad.
  • Ceasefire declared on May 10 at 5 p.m.after DGMO communication.
  • Pakistan tried to save face, claimed success but offered a de-escalation path.
  • India followed its “quid pro quo plus”policy but remained open to a ceasefire.

U.S. Role in the India-Pakistan Escalation (May 2025)

Initial U.S. Stance

  • The United States initially maintained a hands-off approach.
  • On May 8S. Vice-President J.D. Vancestated:
    • The U.S. would not get involved “in the middle of a war that is fundamentally none of our business.”

Shift in U.S. Assessment

  • Within 24 hours, the U.S. position shifted due to:
    • Intelligence of impending cross-border strikes
    • Reports that Pakistan was preparing to convene its National Command Authority (NCA)— the body responsible for nuclear oversight.

High-Level Diplomatic Engagement

Date Key U.S. Diplomatic Action
May 9 (Evening) U.S. Vice-President Vance spoke to PM Modi, conveying concerns over a “dramatic escalation.”
May 10 U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio called:
  — Pakistani Army Chief Gen. Asim Munir
  — Indian EAM S. Jaishankar
  — Pakistani Deputy PM & FM Ishaq Dar
May 10 Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif denied reports of any NCA meeting
May 10 U.S. President Donald Trump released a statement pre-empting the ceasefire announcement

Historical Context of U.S. Involvement

  • Since 1998, the U.S. has helped de-escalate multiple India-Pakistan crises:
    • Kargil War (1999)
    • Indian Parliament attack and Operation Parakram (2001–02)
    • Mumbai attacks (2008)
    • Balakot airstrikes (2019)
  • Exception: After the 2016 surgical strikes, which Pakistan denied, the U.S. did not intervene.
  • Pattern: U.S. involvement has been limited to de-escalationnot direct mediation.

Conflict under the nuclear shadow

  • Since 1998, after both India and Pakistan became nuclear-armed statesPakistan has relied on nuclear threatsto limit India’s conventional military options.
  • This nuclear posturingaimed to reduce space for kinetic retaliation by flashing the nuclear card and threatening early nuclear use after terrorist attacks.
  • However, this strategy is no longer effective. Over time, India has progressively expandedits kinetic response doctrine:
    • The 2016 surgical strikesintroduced ground-based retaliation as the new normal.
    • The 2019 Balakot air strikesexpanded this by incorporating air power.
    • Operation Sindoor (2025)took it further by striking targets across all of Pakistan, not just near the LoC.
  • Until now, India has consistently framed its actionsas retaliation against terrorist infrastructure, targeting:
    • Launch pads(2016),
    • The Balakot training camp(2019),
    • Nine terrorist-linked locationsduring Operation Sindoor.
  • On May 12, PM Narendra Modi introduced a more assertive ‘new normal’, stating:
    • India has the right to respond militarilyto any act of terror,
    • It will not be deterred by nuclear threatsor “nuclear blackmail”,
    • India will no longer distinguishbetween terrorists, their masterminds, and the governments that support them.
  • This marks a clear strategic warningto Pakistan’s military establishment: future responses like Operation Sindoor 2.0 may include direct action against state-linked elements.
  • Modi’s sharp rhetoric underscores this doctrinal shift:
    • Terror and talks cannot go together
    • Terror and trade cannot go together
    • Water and blood cannot flow together
  • These developments signal a hardening of India’s national security policy, aimed at restoring credible deterrenceand ending Pakistan’s reliance on nuclear threats to shield terrorism.

Conclusion

By broadening the scope of regular military actions without crossing the nuclear limitMr. Modi aims to reduce the threat of nuclear weapons. But this will need a big improvement in normal military strength. India must develop skills to neutralize enemy air defences and follow a network-based strategy that smoothly connects both manned and unmanned air systems with satellite-based tools for watching, communication, and targeting. At the same time, India should learn from the intelligence and security failures that caused the Pahalgam incident, so that it can plan, predict, and stop similar events in the future. Only then can the broad ‘new normal’ serve as a real warning to prevent future terrorist attacks.

 

Editorial 2: The ingredient to turn around nutrition outcomes 

Context

Empowering women financially is a powerful method to enhance nutritional outreach in India.

Introduction

The review of India’s free foodgrain programme for 800 million people reveals a harsh truth: hunger and malnutritionare still urgent issues. Yet, in India’s long fight against malnutrition, women and girls remain the most neglected group. Despite ongoing economic progress and many welfare schemesnutritional inequality is still deeply gender-based. Launched in 2018 with the goal of a malnutrition-free India by 2022, the Prime Minister’s Overarching Scheme for Holistic Nourishment (POSHAN) Abhiyaan aims to improve nutrition for pregnant womenlactating mothersadolescent girls, and young children. However, significant disparities remain.

Structural failures

Parameter  
Anaemia Prevalence 57% of women (15-49 years) are anaemic compared to 26% of men.
Underweight Women Nearly 1 in 5 women are underweight.
Gender Disparity Women are significantly more likely to be malnourished than men in India.
Structural Issues Current nutrition approaches show structural failures despite merging schemes into POSHAN 2.0 and heavy investment.
Budget Allocation (2022-23) Nearly ₹24,000 crore allocated to Ministry of Women and Child Development for Saksham Anganwadi and POSHAN 2.0.
Fund Utilisation Only 69% of the allocated funds were utilized by December 2022.
Anaemia Trend Anaemia among women rose from 53% to 57% between last two NFHS rounds.
Underweight Trend About 18.7% of women remain underweight.
Resource Impact High spending alone has not improved women’s nutrition significantly.
Cultural Factors In many households, women’s nutritional needs are often last priority due to entrenched cultural norms.
Social Justice Issue Malnutrition is not only about food supply but also about gender-based deprivation and social justice.
Economic Dependence 49% of women lack decision-making power over their earnings, affecting their nutrition.
Consequences of Financial Dependence Lack of economic independence limits women’s control over diet and health, leading to compromised nutrition.

Financial Empowerment and Nutrition

  • Studies show financially empowering womenis one of the most effective ways to improve nutrition.
  • Nobel laureate Esther Duflofound women controlling extra income spend more on nutrition and children’s well-being.
  • In a study of low-income communities, women with even modest independent incomeor control over household spending were less likely to be undernourished.

Women’s Economic and Social Empowerment: The Missing Piece

  • Women’s labour force participationrose from about 23% (2017-18) to 33% (2021-22) — a positive shift on paper.
  • Most working women have insecure, low-paying jobs: only 5% hold regular salaried jobs, and nearly 20% are self-employed, mostly in informal sectors.
  • Self-employed women earn 53% less than menin similar work.
  • Many working women earn barely enough to survive; employment has not translated into decision-making poweror investment in their own nutrition.

Importance of Job Quality and Security

  • It is not enough to increase women’s workforce participation; the qualityand security of jobs matter equally.
  • Without skills trainingequal pay, and stable employment, women remain economically vulnerabledespite working.

Impact on Nutrition Programmes

  • Nutrition schemes like POSHANwill have limited impact if women cannot afford or are not empowered to consume nutritious food.
  • Government praises Poshan Abhiyaanfor raising awareness and creating a Jan Andolan (mass movement) around nutrition, but awareness alone cannot fill empty stomachs.

Need for convergence

  • POSHAN 2.0should eliminate undernutrition by also boosting women’s incomes and status.
  • Set measurable targetsfor reducing anaemia and stunting, plus increasing women’s independent incomes and decision-making power.
  • Break departmental silosby making nutrition, health, and livelihood teams work together in high-malnutrition areas.
  • Use Anganwadi centresand health workers to distribute food and connect women to skill trainingcredit schemes, and job opportunities.
  • Turn Anganwadis into one-stop hubsfor women’s welfare: meals, antenatal care, and financial literacy workshops.

Conclusion

Ultimately, a malnutrition-free India will happen only when women are seen not as passive recipients of nutrition programs but as active leaders improving the health and success of their families.

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