What to Read in Indian Express Editorial( Topic and Syllabus wise)

EDITORIAL 1: Creamy layer ‘equivalence’

Context

The government is considering ways to ensure “equivalence” in the application of the ‘creamy layer’ condition in reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) across a range of jobs at central and state government organisations, public sector enterprises, universities, etc.

The concept of ‘creamy layer’

• In its landmark verdict in Indra Sawhney vs Union of India (1992), the Supreme Court upheld the government’s decision to implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission, but said that affluent sections among the socially and educationally backward classes, the so-called “creamy layer”, must be excluded from job quotas.
• Thereafter, on September 8, 1993, DoPT issued a circular identifying the creamy layer that would be ineligible for OBC reservation.
• Sons and daughters of high constitutional functionaries, and government, PSU, and armed forces officers were included in the list, along with professional class and those engaged in trade and industry and property owners. An “income/ wealth test” was also mentioned.
• Specifically, an individual either of whose parents was a direct recruit to a Group A/ Class I government job, or if the parent was promoted to Group A before the age of 40, was not eligible for the OBC quota.
• An individual both of whose parents were direct recruits to Group B jobs would be part of the creamy layer. Children of armed forces officials only up to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel could avail of the quota.
• For those outside the government sector, the income ceiling was set at Rs 1 lakh per annum. It was subsequently revised upwards, and the limit has been Rs 8 lakh since 2017. However, income from salary and agricultural income is not included.

2004 ‘clarification’ and after

• The above criteria were not comprehensive, especially with regard to jobs outside the government sector.
• So, in 2004, DoPT issued detailed clarifications regarding creamy layer amongst OBCs in order to determine the creamy layer status of sons and daughters of persons employed in organisations where equivalence or comparability of posts vis-à-vis posts in Government has not been evaluated.
• However, these “clarifications” were not widely implemented to deprive individuals of reservation benefits during the UPA years (2004-14), as the government sought to woo OBCs in pursuit of various social justice goals.
• In late 2014, DoPT started examining caste certificates issued by various authorities to determine their compliance with the 2004 “clarification”.
• Between the Civil Services Examinations (CSE) of 2015 and 2023 (batches of 2016-24), DoPT rejected caste certificates of more than 100 successful candidates who would have qualified as OBC under the September 1993 criteria, but who were put in the creamy layer in accordance with the new criteria.

Efforts to find ‘equivalence’

• The unresolved case of the more than 100 candidates determined by DoPT as being in the creamy layer led to consultations among various stakeholder ministries.
• While ‘equivalence’ has been established with regard to the various central PSUs, the process remains pending for others — and the sons/ daughters of a wide range of employees are put in the creamy layer based on their incomes, thanks to “clarification” issued in 2004.
• In June this year, Home Minister Amit Shah and NCBC chairman Hansraj Ahir recommended to the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment that the policy under consideration should be implemented retrospectively so that these more than 100 candidates are also able to benefit.

The likely beneficiaries

• If the proposals are implemented, sons/ daughters of lower-level government employees with annual salaries of more than Rs 8 lakh are likely to benefit the most.
• It will correct the anomaly by which children of government teachers get the benefit of OBC quota, but children of employees of similar rank at government-aided institutions are denied on the basis of income.
• A similar situation exists in several state government organisations. Not much is expected to change for children of employees in the private sector.

Conclusion

The effort is to ensure fairness and uniformity among candidates who are eligible for reservation, and to remove certain anomalies that have arisen in this regard from circulars issued over the years by the Union government’s Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT), which formulates policy on recruitments and service conditions.

 

EDITORIAL 2: The Red Fort Charter

Introduction

The PM’s Independence Day speech was remarkable not merely for its sweep but for its scope — next-generation reforms that are bold, and capable of reshaping the destiny of 1.4 billion people — with a clarity of vision that the nation has never witnessed before.

The Reshaping reforms

• Take the Digital India stack, UPI accounting for half of the world’s real-time transactions, and the roll-out of the first Made-in-India chip by year-end.
• These show India’s lead position in the global digital economy. At a time when semiconductors decide the destiny of nations, this is nothing less than digital Swaraj — India’s assertion of sovereignty over critical technologies.
• Energy security had long been the Achilles’ heel of India’s growth. For decades, hesitation and “no-go” classifications throttled exploration and deepened import dependence.
• Under PM Modi, India has reduced “no-go” areas for Exclusive Economic Zones by almost 99 per cent, freeing 10 lakh sq km for exploration and production (E&P).
• Coupled with Open Acreage Licensing Policy (OALP), this has opened a vast canvas to Indian champions and global majors alike — our hydrocarbon basins will no longer lie dormant but be harnessed for national progress.
• The National Deepwater Exploration Mission,announced from the ramparts of the Red Fort, sets an ambitious frontier agenda in the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea.
• It aims to unlock 600-1,200 million metric tonnes of oil and gas reserves through the drilling of nearly 40 wildcat wells.
• For the first time, India will systematically open up its complex offshore frontiers — from the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian Sea— with a framework that de-risks investment by allowing recovery of up to 80 per cent of costs in the case of dry wells, and 40 per cent upon commercial discovery.
• This initiative is part of a broader blueprint that could triple domestic oil and gas output to 85 million tonnes by 2032 and double national reserves to between one and two billion tonnes.
• Offshore common infrastructure will be created on a plug-and-play basisto unlock an additional 100-250 billion cubic metres of gas in place, equivalent to nearly 8 million tonnes of production.
• Together, these measures will not only monetise previously stranded discoveries but also build an Atmanirbhar E&P ecosystem where the share of local supply chains rises from today’s 25-30 per cent to over 70 per cent. This is India’s most comprehensive upstream overhaul since Independence.
• At the same time, India has emerged as a global leader in energy transition. India has reached the 50 per cent clean-power mark in 2025 –five years ahead of the 2030 target.
• Biofuels and green hydrogen are moving from pilots to production; ethanol blending and CBG scale-up are building a new rural-industrial backbone; LNG infrastructure continues to expand.
• The civilian nuclear sector has been opened to private participation. Currently, 10 new nuclear reactors are operational, and India aims to increase its nuclear energy capacity tenfold by the 100th year of its independence.

Some more

• The PM’s announcement of the National Critical Minerals Mission marks a watershed in our industrial strategy.
• As the world recognises the strategic value of lithium, rare earths, nickel and cobalt, India has launched exploration at 1,200+ sites and is structuring partnerships,processing and recycling so that renewable power, semiconductors, EVs and advanced defence are never hostage to external choke-points.
• National security was the other pillar of the Red Fort charter. Operation Sindoor displayed India’s military prowess in real time, ending the era of nuclear blackmail and sending a message that aggression will be met with swiftness and sophistication.
• The reversal of the Indus Waters Treaty is a bold assertion of sovereignty.The unveiling of Mission Sudarshan Chakra, inspired by Lord Krishna shielding Arjun on the battlefield, is emblematic of Modi’s style — civilisational symbolism married to cutting-edge technology.
• A multi-layered indigenous security shield will protect India’s critical institutions from cyber, physical and hybrid threats.

More to go!

• The PM urged industry and farmers to embrace self-reliance and make balanced use of fertilisers.
• While India is the pharmacy of the world, producing 60 per cent of global vaccines, this must now translate into leadership in new medicines, vaccines, and devices.
• This sits alongside a push in biopharma under the BioE3 policy, where our ambition is to patent and produce medicines that are affordable and world-class.
• The new Income Tax Bill is reducing complexity, abolishing 280 redundant sections, and offering relief up to Rs 12 lakh.
• Direct Benefit Transfers — touching over 25 crore beneficiaries — have embedded accountability into welfare, and more than 250 million Indians have been lifted out of poverty.
• The PM Viksit Bharat Rozgar Yojana launches with an outlay of Rs 1 lakh crore; newly employed youth will receive Rs 15,000 per month, companies that generate fresh jobs will be incentivised, and the programme aims to reach about 3.5 crore young Indians.
• To translate ambition into reality, the PM has unveiled a Task Force for Next-Generation Reforms— a body designed to re-engineer the ecosystem of economic activity.

Conclusion

The reforms announced on August 15 are not about tomorrow’s headlines but about the India of 2047. As the PM reminded us, the world is watching an ancient civilisation transform into a modern power — not by abandoning its roots but by drawing strength from them.