What to Read in Indian Express Editorial( Topic and Syllabus wise)

Editorial 1: PM Modi in the UK: Let go of the bilateral baggage

Context

The formal signing of the India-UK Free Trade Agreement during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to London this week marks a long-awaited turning point in bilateral relations.

Introduction

• The early 1990s opened a new opportunity for Delhi and London to move beyond the bitter legacies of Partition and the Cold Warand build on the fresh possibilities offered by India’s economic liberalisation. Only after multiple twists and turns has the wide gap between promise and performance in the relationship begun to close.
• If Queen Elizabeth II’s 1997 visit to India— meant to commemorate the 50th anniversary of Independence — turned into a political fiasco, Indian Prime Minister meeting this week with King Charles III could mark the beginning of a new and more productive phase. And it comes at a particularly opportune moment.

India–UK Strategic Cooperation Amid Shifting Global Order

• The expanding India–UK trade pact, along with deepening collaboration in technology, defence, and education, reflects a strategic effort by both nations to navigate the uncertaintiescreated by shifting global dynamics, particularly under the political upheaval during the Trump administration in the United States.
• As long-standing partners of the US—London being its closest ally and Delhi having strengthened its strategic partnership—both countries have been affected by the recalibration of American global engagement.In this context, the India–UK partnership is evolving to reinforce a stable and multipolar international order through diversified bilateral cooperation.

Evolution of India–UK Relations Since the 1990s

• Efforts to reboot India–UK ties began promisingly in the 1990s, when Conservative Prime Minister John Major strongly supported India’s economic reforms.But the momentum faltered during the early Labour governments (1997–2010), which continued to view India through an outdated colonial lens.
• What should have been a reflective moment during the Queen’s 1997 visit was marred by then Foreign Secretary Robin Cook’s meddling in the Kashmir issueand Indo-Pakistani relations. The resulting outrage was captured by Prime Minister I. K. Gujral, who called Britain a “third-rate power”.
• Gujral was right to object to British overreach, but his characterisation of Britain was inaccurate. In the mid-1990s, the UK was among the world’s top five economies, with a GDP exceeding the combined economic output of China, India, and Russia at the time.

Contrasting Perceptions

• The perception in Delhi of Britain as a “diminished power”stands in sharp contrast to India’s enduring view of Russia as a “superpower”.
• This disconnect reflects a lingering anti-colonial mindset and a romanticised view of Russiain Delhi, but has little grounding in present-day realities.
• It overlooks the large interface between Indian and British societies, in contrast to India’s narrow government-to-government relationship with Moscow.

Shedding Historical Baggage in India–UK Relations

• One of the key drivers of the evolving India–UK relationship has been the effort to shed colonial condescension in London and anti-imperial resentment in Delhi.
• The focus has now shifted to building a pragmatic, forward-looking partnershipbased on shared interests. It has also meant confronting Delhi’s own double standards.
• Overcoming this love-hate relationship was not easy. A renewed effort to transcend the old entanglements of Kashmir and Pakistan began in 2010 with high-level visits aimed at rebooting bilateral ties. However, the British establishment was not fully prepared for a shift, and the Indian leadership at the time failed to seize the moment.

Advancing the 2030 Roadmap: A New Phase in India–UK Cooperation

• Successive UK administrations actively worked with India to imagine a shared future, as outlined in the “2030 Roadmap for India–UK Relations”.
• The Free Trade Agreement being signed, the 2024 technology security initiative, and the joint defence industrial roadmapannounced this year are all outcomes of that strategic vision.
• Implementing the 2030 Roadmap would not have been possible without greater responsivenessfrom the British establishment.
• Particularly significant has been the effort to address Delhi’s concerns about anti-India extremism in the UK, enabling smoother bilateral engagement and continuity in carrying forward the vision of long-term strategic cooperation.

What Lies Ahead?

• The Indian Prime Minister’s visit offers a timely opportunity to reflect on the UK’s current economic and political challenges.
• The UK is shifting from a services-led model to an innovation-driven industrial policy across sectors like defence, clean energy, and advanced manufacturing— opening new avenues for India–UK cooperation. Britain also remains a leader in higher education, research, and technology, offering further scope for collaboration.
• India must recognise Britain’s internal political shifts and rising anti-immigration sentiment. Instead of focusing solely on sending students and workers, India should attract British universities and capital to expand domestic opportunities.
• For too long, Delhi and London have underestimated their potential as strategic partners. A forward-looking collaboration could now help both realise shared global ambitions.

Conclusion

That bold vision was derailed by the trauma of Partition, the chaos of decolonisation, and the polarising currents of the Cold War. But eight decades later, India and Britain stand once again at an inflexion point. As middle powers, they are now better positioned to pursue a more modest, pragmatic goal: To act as force multipliers for each other in a world increasingly shaped by an assertive China and an unpredictable America.

 

Editorial 2: The reform India’s power sector needed

Context:

Removal of restrictions on thermal power plants provides respite to consumers.

Introduction

• In 2015, the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change notified SO2 norms for coal-based thermal power plants. The establishment of flue gas desulphurisation (FGD system) for all 600-odd power plants in the country was made compulsory. Flue Gas Desulphurisation (FGD) is anemission-control technique used to eliminate Sulphur Dioxide (SO₂) from the flue gases released during the burning of fossil fuels, particularly coal.
• The primary objective of FGD is to curb SO₂ emissions, which significantly contribute to acid rain and airborne particulate pollution, posing serious threats to agriculture, ecosystems, infrastructure, and public health.

Assessing the Need and Impact of Flue Gas Desulphurisation in India

• The implementation of Flue Gas Desulphurisation (FGD) systems in thermal power plants faced challenges due to both technical and financial concerns. Experts, researchers, and power sector professionals questioned the necessity of FGDs, given the low sulphur content in Indian coal. Despite this, installation began in several plants.
• The capital cost wassignificant, with an estimated tariff increase of ₹0.25–0.30 per kWh — a burden ultimately passed on to power distribution companies and consumers.
• Beyond financial implications, the technical need for FGDs in all plants remained unclear. A study by the Ministry of Power and IIT Delhi highlighted the requirement for a more detailed assessment of SO₂ emissions and whether a uniform FGD mandate is essential across India’s thermal power sector.

Revisiting Norms: Findings from NEERI’s Study

• A comprehensive study commissioned by NITI Aayog and conducted by NEERIconcluded that ambient SO₂ concentrations remain well below the prescribed norm of 80 µg/m³, even in areas where FGDs are not installed.
• The report recommended revisiting India’s stack emission norms,considering unique geographical and climatic factors—such as high solar insolation, strong vertical air mixing, and greater ventilation—unlike temperate countries.
• Additionally, the study highlighted that FGD systems, which use limestone and water, have environmental costs, including a large carbon footprint from limestone mining and transport. Since CO₂ has a longer atmospheric lifespan than SO₂, the study calls for a balanced and context-specific approach to emission control rather than a one-size-fits-all mandate.

Revised FGD Norms: A Targeted and Cost-Effective Approach

• The revised notification does not mandate a complete withdrawal of FGD. It is now based on sound scientific studies and analysis, which have enabled 600-odd power plants of the country to be classified into three categories — those which are close to very large cities, the ones in heavily polluted areas, and others.
• Studies reveal that around 78% of plants do not require FGD systems, leading to significant savings in capital expenditure.
• These savings can be redirected towards expanding power generation through renewable sources. The revised norms also help prevent undue tariff burdens on consumers, ensuring a more balanced and sustainable energy transition.

Conclusion

In India’s long-term energy transition plan, renewables will play a big role. However, the transition will need to respect energy security considerations. Domestic coal will, therefore, continue to play a meaningful role in the coming few decades. The notification not only provides relief for consumers at large, but also provides clarity on how to plan for domestic coal-based power.